CCC FACTION DISOWNS COLTART RECALL LETTERS, WARNS OF ‘EXTORTION’ PLOT

A faction of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) has rejected letters sent to Parliament and the government seeking the recall of Bulawayo Mayor David Coltart, three Members of Parliament and a senator, describing the move as illegitimate and an attempt to destabilise the opposition party.

In a statement issued today, interim national spokesperson Nqobizitha Mlilo said the purported recalls had no factual, political or legal basis and did not represent the party’s position.

The letters, dated 7 October and stamped as received today, were addressed to Speaker of the National Assembly Advocate Jacob Mudenda, Senate President Senator Mabel Chinomona and Local Government and Public Works Minister Daniel Garwe.

They claimed that Coltart, Bulawayo Central MP Surrender Kapoikilu, Mbizo MP Corban Madzivanyika, Epworth North MP Togarepi Zivai Mhetu and Bulawayo Senator Kucaca Ivumile Phulu had ceased to be CCC members.

The letters subsequently called on the authorities to act in accordance with Section 129(1)(k) of the Constitution, a provision concerning the vacation of parliamentary seats under specified circumstances.

However, Mlilo's faction has distanced itself from the correspondence, alleging that certain individuals were abusing the recall process to intimidate elected representatives and force them to demonstrate political allegiance.

According to the statement, internal investigations had identified those allegedly responsible for the letters, although the faction did not publicly disclose their identities.

The faction further accused the individuals involved of attempting to destabilise the party from within, warning that their actions could amount to contempt of court.

It said lawyers had been engaged to advise on a permanent resolution to the dispute, while assuring its elected representatives that their positions remained secure until at least 2030.

TSHABANGU'S NAME RETURNS TO THE RECALL CONTROVERSY

The latest development has drawn attention because the letters reportedly bear the same Bulawayo address and CCC letterhead associated with the office of Senator Sengezo Tshabangu.

Tshabangu became a central figure in Zimbabwe's opposition politics in October 2023 after his recall letters led Speaker Mudenda to declare 15 opposition legislators' seats vacant.

The latest dispute therefore raises fresh questions about internal divisions within the CCC and the continued use of parliamentary recalls in the party's political battles.

Mlilo, who has served as Tshabangu's spokesperson since the party split, is now publicly rejecting the latest recall correspondence on behalf of his faction.

The controversy also revives an earlier dispute involving Bulawayo Mayor Coltart. Last year, Tshabangu denied reports that his faction was plotting to remove the mayor, insisting that he had no intention of ousting him.

With the latest letters now disowned by Mlilo's faction, the immediate question is whether Parliament and the Ministry of Local Government will act on the correspondence or await further clarification.

For now, the CCC's internal divisions remain in the spotlight, with rival political interests and the threat of recalls continuing to cast a shadow over the opposition party.

CCC RECALLS COLTART: IS BULAWAYO BEING CLEARED FOR MNANGAGWA-LINKED WASTE DEAL?

BULAWAYO, ZIMBABWE — The political war over Bulawayo's waste management contract has taken a dramatic turn after Mayor David Coltart was recalled from the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), raising fresh questions about the future of the city's refuse collection services and the growing influence of politically connected business interests.

In a letter dated 7 October 2026 and received by the Ministry of Local Government on 9 October, the CCC faction led by Mbuso Siso informed Local Government Minister Daniel Garwe that Coltart, the Ward 4 councillor, had "ceased to be a member" of the party.

The faction asked the minister to invoke Section 129(1)(k) of the Constitution, which provides for the removal of a legislator or councillor who ceases to belong to the political party under which they were elected.

But the timing of the recall has fuelled suspicion, with Coltart having been at loggerheads with fellow councillors over the proposed involvement of Geo Pomona Waste Management in Bulawayo.

WAS REFUSING GEO POMONA THE MAYOR'S BIGGEST MISTAKE?

At the centre of the controversy is Geo Pomona Waste Management, a company fronted by businessman Dilesh Nguwaya, who has been reported to have close links to President Emmerson Mnangagwa's family.

The company has announced plans to expand its operations across Zimbabwe's provinces, with Bulawayo emerging as another battleground over its proposed waste management involvement.

Coltart resisted the company's entry into Bulawayo, while a group of councillors reportedly favoured engaging the firm.

The dispute intensified as the Zimbabwe Investment and Development Agency (ZIDA) and the Procurement Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe (PRAZ) reportedly urged the city to engage Geo Pomona.

For critics of the proposed arrangement, the mayor's removal raises an uncomfortable question: was Coltart being punished politically for refusing to support a controversial business deal?

There is, however, no independently established evidence in the information provided that the recall was orchestrated specifically to secure a Geo Pomona contract.

HARARE'S US$3 MILLION WARNING TO BULAWAYO

Bulawayo residents have every reason to pay close attention to developments in their city.

In Harare, the Geo Pomona arrangement has attracted intense public scrutiny, with the capital reportedly paying close to US$3 million per month for refuse collection and street cleaning.

Questions surrounding the costs, transparency and value for money of the arrangement have made the deal a lightning rod for criticism.

Now, with Coltart out of the way politically, residents fear Bulawayo could face similar pressures to accept a deal they have not been adequately consulted about.

Will the city insist on a transparent procurement process, competitive pricing and clear performance guarantees, or will political manoeuvres determine who manages its waste?

For ordinary residents struggling with municipal charges and service delivery challenges, the consequences could extend well beyond City Hall.

FROM DENIAL TO RECALL: WHAT CHANGED?

The recall follows months of tension between Coltart and the CCC faction associated with Sengezo Tshabangu.

The mayor had reportedly faced mounting pressure after snubbing a meeting officiated by Paul Tungwarara, an advisor to President Mnangagwa.

When reports of a possible recall first emerged, Tshabangu reportedly dismissed the claims in comments to CITE, arguing that the CCC could not unilaterally remove Coltart under the Urban Councils Act.

Yet the faction has now moved to recall him, a development likely to intensify questions about the party's internal authority and the legal basis for its decisions.

The constitutional process governing recalls, the faction's standing and any potential legal challenge could become central to the next phase of the dispute.

COLTART IS NOT THE ONLY CASUALTY

The faction has also moved against four other opposition politicians.

In separate letters addressed to Speaker of Parliament Jacob Mudenda and Senate President Mabel Chinomona, it recalled:

Ivumile Kucaca Phulu — Bulawayo Senator.

Surrender Kapoikilu — Bulawayo Central MP.

Corban Madzivanyika — Mbizo MP.

Togarepi Zivai Mhetu — Epworth North MP.

The latest recalls add to a prolonged wave of expulsions and recalls conducted in the CCC's name since October 2023.

The political consequences have been significant, with opposition representation in Parliament and local authorities repeatedly disrupted, while ZANU-PF has benefited from divisions and vacancies within the opposition.

For a movement that emerged promising an alternative to ZANU-PF's long-standing dominance, the repeated recalls have become a major source of controversy.

WHO REALLY BENEFITS FROM COLTART'S EXIT?

The central issue is bigger than the fate of one mayor.

Bulawayo now faces a critical test: will its elected representatives prioritise residents' interests, transparent procurement and affordable municipal services, or will political factionalism and pressure from powerful commercial interests shape the city's decisions?

Coltart's critics may argue that a mayor must work with fellow councillors and remain accountable to his party. His supporters, meanwhile, may see the recall as a troubling development that risks sidelining resistance to a controversial corporate arrangement.

Neither interpretation should replace scrutiny of the actual contract, procurement records and the legal grounds for the recall.

But one thing is clear: when a mayor opposing a disputed business arrangement is recalled amid a bitter political feud, residents deserve answers.

Who stands to gain from the change in Bulawayo's political leadership? Will Geo Pomona now secure a foothold in the city? And who will protect ratepayers if the cost of refuse collection rises without a corresponding improvement in service delivery?

THE BIG QUESTION: IS BULAWAYO'S WASTE MANAGEMENT DISPUTE ABOUT CLEANING UP THE CITY — OR ABOUT WHO GETS TO CASH IN?

Green Galaxy Media — Saying it as it is.

DJ OLLAH HANDED ME OVER TO JOACHIM "G6" CHIVAYO AND I WAS BADLY ASSAULTED - TECHMAG TV EDITOR IN CHIEF TONEO SPEAKS

TECHMAG TV CEO TONEO TONEO SAYS HE SUFFERED INJURIES DURING FUNERAL COVERAGE, FILES POLICE REPORT

A TechMag TV journalist has alleged that he was physically assaulted by security personnel allegedly linked to Joachim Chivhayo, popularly known as G6, while covering the funeral proceedings of the late businessman Wicknell Chivayo on Thursday, 8 October 2026.

In a detailed media statement, TechMag TV Editor-in-Chief and CEO Toneo Toneo claims that the incident occurred after a confrontation over his crew's coverage of the funeral procession.

Toneo says he sustained injuries, including loosened lower teeth, a swollen eye and severe jaw pain. He has since reported the alleged assault to Highlands Police Station under reference number RRB 6847154.

WHAT HAPPENED BEFORE THE ALLEGED ASSAULT?

According to Toneo, he and his crew had arrived at the Chivhayo residence to cover developments surrounding the funeral. He says he contacted family spokesperson Herbert Chivhayo to request an update on the programme.

Toneo claims Herbert suggested that, instead of giving an individual update, he would address journalists from various media houses at a press conference.

The TechMag TV editor says he subsequently contacted journalists from The Herald, ZBC, Owen Madondo, popularly known as DJ Ollah, and two other media practitioners to coordinate the briefing.

However, Toneo alleges that DJ Ollah later called him aside and led him to Joachim Chivhayo, who allegedly ordered him to stop recording, accusing him of conducting coverage without his clearance.

Toneo says he explained that his team had been covering the story from the scene of the helicopter crash and had continued reporting from the family residence in the days that followed.

He alleges that Joachim remained opposed to his crew's presence and insisted that they stop filming.

Toneo says he then approached Herbert Chivhayo to explain the situation. According to his account, Herbert maintained that he was responsible for authorising media coverage and insisted that journalists should not be stopped or disturbed.

The press conference subsequently went ahead before the media teams left for a funeral parlour in town to collect the bodies.

THE ALLEGED ATTACK ON GLETWIN ROAD

Toneo alleges that the confrontation escalated later as the convoy travelled along Gletwin Road, with journalists recording and broadcasting live near the hearse.

According to his statement, Joachim allegedly shouted from his vehicle: “So you guys mune nharo ka imi, I want to show you something.”

Toneo says the crew slowed down and stopped filming to establish what was happening.

He alleges that a white SUV driven by security personnel then blocked their vehicle, after which three men jumped out and attacked him while he was behind the wheel.

The journalist claims the men punched and slapped him for approximately 20 seconds before returning to their vehicle and driving away.

He further alleges that members of the funeral convoy travelling behind the hearse witnessed the incident.

The allegations have not been independently verified, and the account presented here reflects Toneo's version of events.

POLICE REPORT FILED AS LEGAL ACTION LOOMS

Toneo says he has formally reported the alleged assault to Highlands Police Station and intends to pursue the matter with assistance from his legal counsel.

He described the situation as deeply regrettable, particularly given his previous working relationship with DJ Ollah, which he says had been respectful.

The TechMag TV editor maintains that journalists should be allowed to carry out their professional responsibilities without fear of physical intimidation.

“JOURNALISM IS NOT A CRIME”

In his statement, Toneo called on authorities to investigate the incident thoroughly and ensure that anyone found responsible is held accountable in accordance with the law.

He acknowledged that families dealing with bereavement deserve respect and that journalists should observe reasonable and lawful arrangements during funeral proceedings. However, he argued that such circumstances should never be used to justify violence against media practitioners.

“Journalism is not a crime, and no journalist should be physically attacked or intimidated for documenting events and reporting matters of public interest,” he said.

He concluded by reaffirming TechMag TV's commitment to continuing its reporting despite the alleged incident.

THE BIG QUESTION: Should journalists covering high-profile funerals be required to obtain clearance from family representatives, and where should the line be drawn between a family's right to privacy and the public's right to information?

Issued by Toneo Toneo, Editor-in-Chief, TechMag TV.

US$5 MILLION SOLAR MONEY, US$90,000 SHOES AND LUXURY CARS?

A FAMILY EULOGY HAS NOW PUT THE SPOTLIGHT ON THE MYSTERY SURROUNDING THE US$5 MILLION GWANDA SOLAR PROJECT MONEY — AND WHERE IT ALLEGEDLY WENT.

During his eulogy for his late brother Wicknell Chivayo today, Joachim Chivayo, popularly known as G6, made startling claims about the businessman’s extravagant spending after receiving money connected to the Gwanda Solar Project.

According to G6, Wicknell allegedly went on a spending spree within weeks, splashing money on luxury cars, expensive overseas holidays and even a pair of shoes reportedly costing US$90,000, bought in Dubai.

But the most explosive claim concerns the US$220,000 that G6 says he personally lent Wicknell for the project.

G6 reportedly said Wicknell had promised to repay him US$1 million, but ultimately failed to do so.

And here is where the questions become difficult to ignore:

The Gwanda solar project was never delivered.

Yet, according to the account given at the funeral, enormous amounts of money were allegedly spent on luxury and personal extravagance.

Although Wicknell was previously cleared by the courts of criminal wrongdoing in connection with the matter, the unanswered questions surrounding the project, the money and the subsequent spending have continued to attract public scrutiny.

Now comes the bigger question:

WHO WILL FOLLOW THE MONEY?

If an accountable state is serious about transparency, should the late businessman’s estate be subjected to a thorough investigation to establish the legitimate sources of his wealth and trace funds connected to major public projects before the estate is distributed to beneficiaries?

The questions raised by G6’s own eulogy may prove impossible to bury with Wicknell.

US$5 MILLION. US$90,000 SHOES. LUXURY CARS. A PROJECT THAT NEVER MATERIALISED.

Zimbabweans will be asking one simple question: WHERE DID THE MONEY GO?

The claims regarding the money, spending and loan arrangement are attributed to Joachim “G6” Chivayo’s eulogy !

MNANGAGWA APPOINTS TAGWIREI AS MINISTER

Harare - President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa has appointed businessman and Senator Kudakwashe Tagwirei as Minister of Economic Development and Investment Promotion with immediate effect.

The appointment was announced in a press statement dated 8 October 2026 from the Office of the President and Cabinet, signed by Chief Secretary to the President and Cabinet Dr M. Rushwaya.

The statement reads:

"In terms of Section 104, Subsection (1) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, His Excellency the President, Cde Dr Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa has appointed Kudakwashe Tagwirei as Minister of Economic Development and Investment Promotion. The appointment is with immediate effect."_

The statement was stamped by the Chief Secretary to the President and Cabinet on 08 OCT 2026.

From Boardroom to Cabinet

Tagwirei's appointment to Cabinet is a major elevation. The founder of Sakunda Holdings - with interests in energy, agriculture, mining and logistics - he has been one of the most influential business figures in Zimbabwe over the past decade.

In August 2026, Tagwirei was among 10 additional Senators appointed by President Mnangagwa under Constitutional Amendment No. 3, which expanded the Senate from 80 to 90 seats. He was sworn in as Senator on 18 August 2026.

He also sits on the ZANU-PF Central Committee and chairs the Land Tenure Implementation Committee, and has been a key advisor to the President on economic programmes including Command Agriculture and the Presidential Inputs Scheme.

A Controversial Figure

The appointment is likely to attract significant attention locally and internationally. Tagwirei has been under United States sanctions since 2020 under the Global Magnitsky programme and under UK Global Anti-Corruption sanctions since 2021, over allegations related to state contracts. He has consistently denied any wrongdoing.

His supporters credit him with driving investment in fuel supply, infrastructure and agriculture, while critics have questioned the close relationship between his business empire and government contracts.

The new portfolio - Economic Development and Investment Promotion - is seen as central to the National Development Strategy 2 (NDS2) 2026-2030, government's blueprint towards Vision 2030.

The Office of the President and Cabinet is expected to announce the swearing-in ceremony date in due course.

DJ TOWERS IN CONTROVERSY OVER "ADVANCE RIP" PASSION JAVA POST

HARARE -ZANU-PF social media personality and Wicknell Chivayo car beneficiary Tawanda Marimbe, popularly known as DJ Towers, has sparked outrage on social media after posting what many have interpreted as an advance death wish for several high-profile figures.

In a post accompanied by a photo of himself posing in front of a white Toyota Fortuner bearing registration AGV 3636 - one of the vehicles believed to be from Chivayo's car donation scheme - DJ Towers wrote:

_"Life is short seShort rangu re ZANU PF, RIP Mr & Mrs Chivayo nema Pilots, RIP Ginimbi, RIP vaMugabe and RIP Panganai"_

The post has been widely shared on Facebook and WhatsApp groups.

*Who is Panganai?*

According to followers who commented on the post, the name "Panganai" used by DJ Towers refers to controversial preacher and ZANU-PF affiliate Passion Java, whose real name is Panganai Java. DJ Towers appears to be sending a premature condolence message to Java while he is still alive.

The post also mentions "Mr & Mrs Chivayo and Pilots" - an apparent reference to businessman Wicknell Chivayo, who gifted DJ Towers and several other ZANU-PF loyalists vehicles in the past two years. The mention of Ginimbi and former President Robert Mugabe, both of whom are deceased, alongside living figures has left many social media users confused and concerned.

*Social Media Reaction*

The post, which shows DJ Towers shirtless with what appears to be a traditional substance smeared on his chest and wearing ZANU-PF branded shorts, has drawn mixed reactions.

Some supporters of the ruling party have described it as a joke taken too far, while others have condemned it as a direct threat and a sign of internal divisions among ZANU-PF beneficiaries.

DJ Towers, who rose to fame for his energetic support for ZANU-PF during the 2023 elections, has not yet issued a clarification on what prompted the post.

Neither Wicknell Chivayo nor Passion Java had responded to the post at the time of publishing.

WHAT KILLS POLITICS IN ZIMBABWE

By Felistas Muza

Ask what is wrong with Zimbabwean politics and you will get an answer within seconds. ZANU-PF, most will say. The rigging. The soldiers. The men in unmarked cars. All of that is real and documented, and none of it is the whole answer, because a system does not stay this stuck for this long on the strength of one party's misconduct alone. Something more systemic is at work. Politics in Zimbabwe is not simply defeated. It is killed, repeatedly, by a small number of mechanisms that operate whoever happens to be holding the megaphone.

THE CULT OF THE FOUNDER

Zimbabwe's opposition has an extraordinary talent for building movements and almost no record of building institutions. The line runs from the original MDC through the MDC Alliance to the Citizens Coalition for Change, and now to Nelson Chamisa's Agenda 2026 — each iteration born out of the wreckage of the last, each organised around a founder rather than a rulebook.

The August 2026 exchange between Chamisa and the journalist Hopewell Chin'ono put the problem in unusually plain view. Chin'ono argued that Chamisa could not blame infiltrators for the CCC's collapse without accounting for the leadership model that made infiltration easy, and offered US$10,000 if Chamisa could produce the party's legitimate constitution and leadership organogram. Chamisa's answer was that the CCC had been kids' play, never fully formed. He may be right. That is exactly the indictment.

CCC MP SUSAN MATSUNGA STARTED SUPPORTING CAB3 AFTER SHE WAS GIVEN A CAR AND MONEY BY CHIVAYO! 

A party without a published constitution, a transparent organogram, a candidate selection process or a mechanism for resolving internal disputes is not a weaker version of a party. It is a different thing entirely: a following. Followings cannot survive the removal of the person at the centre, and in Zimbabwe that person is always removable — by prison, by exile, by a court order, by a plane ticket. Every time the centre is removed, the whole edifice has to be rebuilt from scratch, and the years spent rebuilding are years not spent governing or holding anyone to account.

THE RECALL MACHINE

The second killer is procedural, and it is genuinely ingenious. You do not need to defeat an opposition at the ballot box if you can dissolve it afterwards through paperwork.

In 2023 Zimbabweans handed the opposition a substantial parliamentary and council mandate. Within months that mandate was being contested in courtrooms, in Parliament and in council chambers. Seats were declared vacant. By-elections followed. The opposition's parliamentary strength was hollowed out without a single vote being overturned. Whether you call this infiltration or institutional weakness depends on your politics, but the outcome is not in dispute: an election result was neutralised administratively.

The recent appointment of Brilliant Dube, once a Chamisa aide, to the Senate by President Mnangagwa has kept that argument alive. Supporters of the opposition read such trajectories as proof of capture. Others read them as proof that a party with no internal rules cannot tell the difference between a loyalist and a passenger until it is too late. Both readings point at the same vulnerability.

CHANGING THE RULES INSTEAD OF WINNING UNDER THEM

The third mechanism is the one that dominated 2026. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 3) Act, signed into law on 7 July, replaced the direct popular election of the President with election by a joint sitting of Parliament and extended presidential and parliamentary terms from five years to seven, applied to the incumbent.

The government's case was that these were constructive reforms — measures to reinforce constitutional governance, reduce what it termed election-related toxicity, and provide the policy continuity needed for Vision 2030's target of upper-middle-income status. That case deserves to be stated fairly, because a substantial number of Zimbabweans do want stability more than they want another disputed election, and the Bill passed by 216 votes to 42 in the National Assembly and 75 to 4 in the Senate.

But the effect on political life is not really contestable. Once the presidency is no longer chosen by voters, the incentive to campaign among voters weakens for everyone. Th

e Catholic bishops warned during the debate that the changes could weaken institutional independence and erode democratic accountability. Opposition parties, civil society and independent constitutional analysts made a similar argument about the narrowing of public participation. When the route to power runs through a parliamentary chamber rather than a polling station, ordinary citizens become spectators to a contest they were previously participants in.

FEAR AND ITS INEFFICIENCY

The fourth killer is the oldest. Amnesty International recorded that on 8 February 2026, Job Sikhala and 39 members of the National Democratic Working Group were arrested after police raided their meeting near Mutare and allegedly assaulted them, then released hours later without charge. That pattern — arrest, disruption, release, no charge — is the point. Nobody needs to be convicted. The meeting simply does not happen.

The same year brought an arson attack on the SAPES Trust premises in Harare hours before it was due to host a press conference against the term extension, and a fire at the Highfield home of a Constitutional Defence Forum member. Police disrupted an NDWG press briefing in Bulawayo. Five NDWG members were arrested in July for distributing food in Kuwadzana.

The cost of this is not measured in the people arrested. It is measured in the far larger number who conclude that politics is a hobby for people with lawyers, and stay home.

POVERTY AS A DEPOLITICISER

The fifth is economic, and it is underrated because it looks apolitical. Annual inflation reached 243.8 percent by the old methodology in December 2022. The Zimbabwe dollar was abandoned in April 2024 for the gold-backed ZiG. Most people survive in the informal economy.

Organising politics in that environment is expensive and precarious. Meetings cost money. Transport costs money. More importantly, hustling for a daily income consumes the hours that civic participation requires. A population working sixteen-hour days to feed itself is a population with no capacity to attend a ward meeting, and there is a direct relationship between that powerlessness and voter apathy. Economic collapse does not just impoverish citizens. It disenfranchises them without anyone having to pass a law.

THE EXIT

Add these up and you get the sixth killer, which is withdrawal. Roughly 62 percent of Zimbabwe's population is under 25, and that demographic weight has never converted into electoral weight. Research has found that around 80 percent of young respondents said young people were not fully participating in electoral and governance processes, citing apathy, violence and intimidation, lack of information, and being dismissed on account of age.

The reasoning is not irrational. Young Zimbabweans say the elections happen because the constitution requires them, not because they decide anything. That belief is self-fulfilling. Every citizen who acts on it makes it more true for the next.

IS IT KILLING THE RULING PARTY TOO

One correction is worth making to the usual telling. ZANU-PF is not the beneficiary of all of this; it is also a victim of it. Its own succession question has been fought through proxies, expulsions and war veterans rather than through any internal democratic mechanism. Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga's opposition to the 2030 project and his reported snubbing of a politburo meeting, the expelled war veteran Blessed Geza calling for the President's resignation from outside the structures — these are not the symptoms of a healthy governing party. They are the same disease: a political culture in which nothing is settled by rules and everything is settled by personalities, patronage and force.

WHAT WOULD ACTUALLY HELP

The uncomfortable conclusion is that most of what kills Zimbabwean politics could be survived if the country's political vehicles were built differently. Repression is real, but repression is much more lethal against organisations that have no written constitution, no transparent finances, no succession plan and no way to discipline their own members. Infiltration is real, but infiltration works best where authority is undocumented and can therefore be claimed by whoever moves fastest.

That is not a glamorous programme. Nobody fills a stadium demanding an internal dispute-resolution procedure. But movements that depend entirely on the charisma and physical liberty of one person will keep dying the moment that person is jailed, exiled, discredited or simply grows tired — and Zimbabwe has now watched that happen enough times to stop treating it as bad luck.

 Felistas Muza writes in her capacity as an Independent Political,Social and Economic Analyst!

Permission to publish this Opinion Piece has been fully granted by the Author

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